Issue 1

<div class="page old_photo"> <article> <header style="background-image:url(/uploads/528653a58ae21.jpg);"> <div class="box"> <div class="intro"> <h1>Wind Warriors </h1> John Budinsky </div> </div> </header> <div class="main"> <div class="container"> The wild world of anti-wind farm activists. One might come to suspect that Ontarians simply hate electricity, in all its forms. The ongoing scandal following the Province’s 2011 cancellation of the planned Mississauga gas power plant is a fine example of the immense public outcry that inevitably blights any Provincial attempts to increase energy production. Led by a vanguard of enfranchised middle-class activists, the groundswell of organised protest groups never fail to make their mark. In the case of Mississauga, the conflict boiled over and put an end to the proposal, at great financial and political cost. A simultaneous struggle has been simmering in rural Ontario for the past decade, where community organisers from across the province are virulently resisting the growth of wind farms. Unlike their suburban counterparts, this immense network of individuals and groups opposed to wind power seem to be fighting a losing battle. Backed by generous provincial incentives, every new turbine signifies another minor defeat. But new projects continue to recharge the movement’s base while galvanizing its long-time members. The Province, along with most respectable media outlets and the energy companies, have been largely dismissive of detractors; encouraged by a report from the Chief Medical Officer of Health that claims no direct link between wind farms and human wellbeing. Complainers are regarded as NIMBYs, ignorant traditionalists, and possibly hypochondriacs. Unfortunately, some of them are. As a result, it is very difficult to find any reports that are not unwaveringly supportive of wind power, or rabidly opposed – with massive geographic and demographic divides between the two parties. For those with an interest in informed dialogue and impartial consideration, far removed from the turmoil in rural Ontario, now is the time to find out who the wind warriors are. We should understand who makes up the movement and get to know its frontline fighters. We need to see who is fighting, what they believe, and most importantly why they are so damn angry. <img src="http://beacon.by/uploads/52865480b5609.jpg" style="width: 485px; opacity: 1;"> The Anger This anger is easy to see, as small battles rage in townships across the province. Trucks delivering massive white turbine blades, which are an increasingly common sight in Ontario’s windswept southwest, are met with crowds of protesters shouting “Go home, Toronto… you’re not welcome” at the drivers and their police escorts. A turbine-related cover version Charlie Daniels Band’s The Devil Went Down to Georgia entitled “The Devil was in West Lincoln” has been circulating online. In one isolated incident, an energy company employee was threatened with a gun. Regular meetings are being held in churches, barns, and community halls. Editorials are being published, town meetings are being mobbed, and demonstrations are being frequently held. One of these recent protests involved a long line of cars, pickup trucks, and assorted farm vehicles, decked out in flamboyant signage, rolling down King’s Highway 402 – effectively blocking traffic. One truck carried an elaborate mock-up of a turbine on its bed. Most carried signs and posters, including common templates that can be found online, as well such slogans as “Turbines have destroyed democracy, liberty, freedom” or “Wind turbines kill health” on homemade banners. The protest was primarily organised by the Middlesex-Lambton Wind Action Group, one of many regional anti-wind organisations. Esther Wrightman Esther Wrightman was among the convoy of protesters, stopping to be interviewed by the local press. In recent years, she has become a celebrity among the anti-wind clique, and has worked tirelessly in support of several related organisations. In addition to working with the Middlesex-Lambton Wind Action Group and maintaining their website, contributing to the Ontario Wind Resistance blog, and helping with local fundraisers, she frequently makes use of direct-action tactics and has gained significant notoriety as a result. The mother of two from Kenwood, Ontario espouses a style of engagement that better fits the mould of classic environmentalists and social activists, when compared to the town-council dramas where most land-development stories play out. That’s not to say she misses relevant public meetings, though. At one such occasion in 2012, she was forcibly removed from the Adelaide Metcalfe township council chambers for insisting on videotaping the proceedings. She has also been known to visit wind farms with her video camera and doesn’t shy away from directly engaging the employees of NextEra, the Florida-based firm behind the wind farm in her region. One of her early successes involved capturing footage of NextEra men removing a bald eagle’s nest from a future project site, the day after they were granted provincial approval for that controversial action. The video, which went viral on wind resistance sites worldwide, features a long exchange wherein Whitman aggressively chastises a group of workers. Perfectly acting out the role of a sold-out corporate tool, a man in an orange vest tells her that he is also a member the community, just trying to feed his family, while Wrightman can be heard behind the camera, insisting that he ought to be ashamed. Ezra Levant of Sun News, a bit of a crusader himself, characterises her struggle as a David and Goliath-style challenge to the Big Wind lobby. He likens Wrigthman to Erin Brockovitch, seeing her as an authentic environmentalist who is nothing like the “international jet-setting environmentalist types… who are highly paid to jet around the world and meddle in other people’s business,” and who lead the fight against her (The David and Goliath motif is incredibly pervasive in the movement, as both a self-descriptor and a popular characterisation). In a move that conveniently fits with the biblical cliché, NextEra is currently suing Wrightman. The company’s statement claims libel, defamation, and misuse of their corporate logo, among a long list of specific grievances. Among the activist community, this legal action did little improve the image of “NexTerror: Bullies Canada Inc.” as Wrightman’s satirical logo dubs them. The story lends itself perfectly to the underdog narrative used by Levant and most of Esther’s rapidly-increasing local media coverage. If the recent 402 protest is any indication, she has refused to be intimidated. Esther’s defense statement takes an unexpected angle by defending her use of the word “terror” as a factually accurate portrayal of NextEra’s effect, rather than as a parody, and explains that the company “brought a state of fear, terror of invasion, worry, anxiety, and destruction” to the local community. It may seem bizarre that she can earnestly use such virulent terms to describe the wind companies, as if they were a hoard of Vikings burning the landscape, but it is becoming clear that a certain constituency does not find these terms hyperbolic in the slightest. A vocal, predominantly rural, segment of the population feels that their lives have been utterly destroyed by the turbines, and their emotional testimonials have widely proliferated. The Kidds Theresa and Terry Kidd, an elderly couple from Amaranth, Ontario, seem far removed from the world of ideological activism and political agitation. They politely approached their municipal government, as council records show, when they started experiencing health problems - coinciding with the opening of a wind farm near their property. Their complaints had nothing to do with the turbines themselves, but with a transformer station built near their home. The constant buzzing of the transformers irritated them, and they were experiencing headaches, nausea, loss of balance, and other alarming symptoms. Eventually, the township arranged to have the developer perform a refit to reduce noise, but the Kidds claimed that the new equipment worsened their physical symptoms. The company denied responsibility. Deciding to appeal to the public, the couple eventually made a video to post on the internet. It features Theresa standing in their yard one night, politely introducing herself, orienting the audience, and then turning off her light source while waving a faintly glowing fluorescent bulb. The somewhat cutesy presentation is concluded with the sombre declaration that “we can no longer live like this.” The glowing bulb, while providing a weaker indictment than an EMF metre would have, succeeds at creating an alarming visual. The clip is now posted on the Wind Resistance Ontario site, among a long list of other collected testimonies. As for the soft-spoken couple, whose main concern is the usability of their farm rather than a province-wide protest movement; they have subsequently left their home to seek relief. <img src="/uploads/5286549ba0fe7.jpg"> Mothers Against Wind Turbines Some activists are less motivated by perceived harm to themselves. Concern for the wellbeing of children, a classic NIMBY trope, is a particularly resonant issue in the wind activist community. Mothers Against Wind Turbines is a small organisation based in the Niagara region. Its members travel around Ontario to warn other communities of the dangers posed by wind power, take part in protests, and lobby politicians. Although they focus on the health effects of the turbines, and offer many of the typical critiques, they also put forward some unique insights. They point out at link between rising energy costs and increasing poverty, which strongly correlates to poor health – an indirect consequence of turbine development? Lately, the group has been raising funds with a series of community dinners held in St. Anne’s quaint Silverdale Community Hall. The events are well attended and reveal a strong support base in the community. They also highlight the role of small-scale local organisations in the larger fight against the province and the wind developers. Focussing on children is a powerful tactic, which is used by larger lobby groups as well. Last year, the North American Platform Against Windpower introduced a 12-year-old girl as a touring “ambassador of good will” for the organisation. The child, who suffers from several disabilities, was recruited to travel and deliver talks about how she will “no longer be able to enjoy a normal family life” when a planned turbine development invades her neighbourhood. The wind farm will allegedly aggravate her existing health issues if allowed to proceed. The article, posted on the group’s website, is titled “The Invisible Children Meet Big Wind” – a reference to a well-known charitable group and their 2006 documentary film about human rights abuses committed by the Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army. The Public face of the Movement Any assessment of the wind warriors would be severely lacking if it did not mention the movement’s most prominent public representatives. When the general public is exposed to the debate, the movement’s general outpouring of distress has been filtered and distilled into a more cogent, reasonable, and persuasive style of discourse. They are the movement’s star debate team, but they also serve as its ambassadors and figureheads. Jane Wilson For many wind war neophytes, Jane Wilson provides an introduction the movement. It’s her job. As President of Wind Concerns Ontario, she certainly has more opportunities than the typical activist to make herself heard. In addition to appearing on radio shows, she has been a guest on TVO’s The Agenda with Steve Paikin. Wilson, and the WCO as a whole, represent the establishment wing of the wind opposition movement, presenting a cleaner, more professional appearance than some other grassroots groups, and is capable of maintaining a relatively strong voice in the media. Canadian commentator Mike Barnard describes Wilson as a staunch and unreasonable True Believer, but her mannerisms are seldom indicative of a fanatic. A registered nurse, Wilson is mature, well-spoken, and comes off as gentle and unthreatening. She presents a calm and coherent face on camera, as she clearly and plausibly explains public concerns and raises credible questions about the entire wind industry – making her a formidable debater. She will not tell dramatic stories about exploding turbines or make implausible health claims, and constrains debate to established grey areas, such as the medical implications of turbine-related stress, and the political process involved in their approval. But that’s not to say Wilsons is a moderate. After all, she has dedicated a huge portion of her time and energy to the battle against expanding wind farms, leading the charge from the helm of Ontario’s most successful anti-wind lobby group. In rural ridings, many adore Wilson for the work she does and the attention she draws to her cause. In November 2012 she was awarded a Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee medal for her achievements. Like many other activists, Wilson initially became involved when a wind farm was proposed near her home in rural Ottawa. Parker Gallant Parker Gallant is another well-recognized soldier in the wind war. A retired banker and former director of Energy Probe, an environmental NGO that denies climate change and promotes traditional power sources, he has been an outspoken critic of wind turbines and the entire Green Energy Act. As a financial professional, Gallant argues from a purely economic perspective. He opposes government manipulation in the marketplace. This is not a typical NIMBY approach to the issue, and his arguments can be both compelling and passionate. . Gallant speaks to an important demographic; businesspeople, reluctant taxpayers, and politicians; so it is not surprising that he has achieved a high profile among his like-minded peers. Gallant therefore fits into the fairly small group of established, enfranchised, and polished individuals who oppose wind power while still commanding some measure of respect among outsiders. His ruthless numeracy makes him an extremely useful contributor to a movement that relies heavily on anecdotes and individual experience to make its point. Instead of appealing to empathy, Gallant speaks to fiscally conservative, business-savvy, free-market thinkers, and the libertarian element too. His work is frequently featured in the Financial post, and he also contributes articles directly to Wind Concerns Ontario - always asserting that wind turbines are a major financial blunder by a provincial administration that is simply unwilling to admit their folly. Wilson and Gallant both represent a fairly small cabal of professional-sounding voices speaking against wind power, supported by their massive base of grassroots activists. Members’ personal concerns are remarkably varied, and seldom appear in televised debates, but they energize the movement and empower its public figures. They are active behind the scenes, spreading their message in small-town Ontario. The Blogs For individuals who find themselves far removed from the rural wind war, with its emphasis on small community organisation, the movement can be easily observed through its members’ online activities. Hundreds of websites exist solely to denounce wind energy, with dozens focussing on Ontario alone. There are general information sites with titles like Wind Victims Ontario, The Human Face of Wind Turbines, or Stop These Things. Many of these sites collect testimonies from people who have suffered as a result of wind development. The proprietor of Wind Farm Realities writes about the economic harm caused by turbines, while maintaining maps of ongoing or proposed developments which are used by WCO. Another blog, called Quixote’s Last Stand, is run anonymously by an Ontario couple as a source of anti-wind news bulletins. The anti-wind site with the most ongoing activity is Ontario Wind Resistance. It stands at the centre of a maelstrom of anti-wind blogs and sites, which post, re-post, and discuss turbine-related news from around the world. To provide some insight into the collective mentality, it is worth mentioning that the site admins recently moved their servers to Iceland, fearing government intervention here in North America. There is fairly little original content on OWR and the regional sites; they mainly serve as news aggregators and community message boards. Regional wind action groups also organise online and maintain individual websites. Virtually every rural township in Ontario has its own organisation, but they often collaborate to stage demonstrations. The Toronto Wind Action Group is their urban counterpart, although the group has scaled-back their operation since the cancellation of the proposed Scarborough Bluffs wind farm. Real-world activists like Esther Wrightman are active contributors on OWR and the regional sites. In fact, a lot of familiar faces will reappear if one follows the activist community. Wrightman also spoke recently at an event hosted by protest group WAIT (We’re Against Industrial Turbines) Plympton-Wyoming, alongside Parker Gallant and anti-turbine superstar University of Guelph Professor Ross McKitrick. These prominent voices can find an audience around the world, among the wind activist community. Thanks to the internet, there are only a few remaining hurdles that prevent outsiders from accessing this very unique community. It is difficult for anyone to gauge the scope of the movement, or see how many individuals are actually involved, because it has expanded far beyond the local level, and many online contributors are effectively anonymous. Local protests frequently attract out-of-town attendees, while many other individual’s concerns are rarely heard outside their local council chambers. Also, despite the movement’s formidable web presence, there can be no doubt that the older generation of farmers who form the backbone of the protest groups do most of their planning and organising offline and out of the public eye. All we can know with any certainty is that groups of approximately 200 Ontarians will occasionally converge on a government building or block a highway to express their rage at what they perceive to be a corrupt and dictatorial administration. After browsing the blogs, reading the literature, hearing the speeches, and witnessing the testimony, one leaves with a resoundingly negative impression of wind power. Thousands of Ontarians believe it is raising their energy costs, harming their health, endangering their children, killing wildlife, destroying property values, failing to reduce the province’s net CO2 emissions, and contributing next-to-nothing to the power grid. Innumerable stymied attempts to prevent development approvals have undermined their democratic initiative and divided communities. As they see it, they are forced to live among these towering white edifices that scar the landscape, constantly remind them of their political impotence, and threaten to explode into a spray of fire and deadly metal shards in heavy winds. Not all opponents feel this way, but to some, wind power is an unmitigated blight. <img src="/uploads/528654bf14f5b.jpg"> Sitting in downtown Toronto, amid the constant hum of the city, looking from the 22nd storey at a spot 550 metres away, I find it hard to imagine that the sight or sound of a turbine could really cause me any discomfort. It can be easy to laugh at anti-wind crusaders, and dismiss them as fossil-fuel shills or deluded conspiracy-theorists. It is tempting to mock a caricature of these single-minded rural folk who are stressed to the point of illness by a mere change in scenery. But it would be irresponsible to dismiss a real issue so casually; and the volume of political opposition is undeniably a real issue. If anything, this debate serves to highlight Ontario’s massive rural-urban divisions, juxtaposing two very different perceptions of green energy, and two wildly dissimilar perspectives on the relationship between residents and the provincial government. Of course, not all Torontonians share my outlook. Although it is tempting to see this as a clear-drawn political divide between urban and rural ridings, wind turbines off Toronto’s shoreline can generate as much controversy as any rural development. Past experience shows that the wind warriors behave just like many urban homeowners would in similar circumstances. Let’s not forget the Mississauga gas plant or Scarborough Bluffs. We are more alike than we realise. If a similar proposal crops up in the near future, it may provide us with a way to break the urban-rural divide and find common ground. We may find that the fear and hatred ignited by the prospect of a power-generating station near us is an almost-universal trait that, given the right circumstances, could unite all Ontario citizens. Editors Note: This article was corrected to identify Mike Barnard as Canadian on Feb 5th, 2013.  </div> </div> </article> </div>

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Issue 1